In my blog post
The Feagaiga (currently the most popular one - re: list on the right), I ended it with this query:
"...what causes Samoan men to give up the feagaiga etiquette - at least its gallantry - in marriage? Apparently there's an unexplainable disparity somewhere. (I may venture into this seemingly uncharted territory in my future posts.)"
The question arises from the fact that Samoan women, before marriage, are placed on a pedestal of honor, respect, love and protection by their brothers via the
feagaiga - or "covenant" relationship. Therefore, the assumption is that since most, if not all, brothers have sisters, they (brothers) would continue to apply the basic elements (gallantry, respect, guardianship, courtesy, service, etc.) of the
feagaiga in marriage. And for a brother without a sister, he will still have some female relatives to whom the
feagaiga concept is rendered. Moreover, in the broad and inclusive context of Samoa's familial culture, all women are considered "sisters" and therefore deem worthy recipients of the
feagaiga's basic ideals.
The point here being, that although the ideals of a genuine marriage are universal, the
feagaiga, which is a unique tradition to the Samoans, should give the men - as stated in the original post - an edge and advantage on any good husband scale. Sadly, however, it has become quite the
"fa'a-feagai" (opposite) considering the continuing and pervasive incidents and cases of domestic violence against women, by the men, in Samoa. So the attempt at identifying the reason/s for the so-called disparity, or gap, is the gist of this post - as promised. The disparity - despite the unexplainable claim in the query above - seems ...hmmm...explainable, after all 😊
Incidentally, my use of the word
"fa'afeagai" or irony/opposite (above), is a serious and much intended wordplay. The underlined root
"feagai" is also the root of
"feagaiga" and thus sets the tone for the approach and style which I'll be using to explore and analyze the issue.
Interestingly enough, the very same, if not similar, issue is argued in a recent article in the Samoa Observer by a certain professor. The
article (click) is aptly titled:
"Feagaiga status not enough to protect women from domestic violence." (My Samoan translation:
"E lē lava pe gafatia e le tulaga o le Feagaiga ona puipuia tāma'ita'i mai i sāuāaga i totonu o 'āiga.")
The involvement of the higher levels of the academia in the discussion, is proof enough of the seriousness and urgency of the problem, which in essence begs the question: "What happened to the feagaiga?" According to the article, the professor
"was unable to determine exactly when the status of the ‘feagaiga' stops being a force to prevent domestic violence. She claim [sic] however that the feagaiga only protect [sic] somebody's sister, and not the wives."
I did hint on the difference between a sister and a wife in the original post and therefore the likely reason for the loss of the
feagaiga elements in marriage. Notwithstanding, I still believe that the basic
feagaiga etiquette involving respect and honor should remain and continue in the husband-wife relationship.
And so I would like to propose that the causes for the loss and/or the decline of the
feagaiga etiquette in marriage, especially the role of the males in honoring and respecting females, have their roots in culture as well as religion. The most glaring irony, or
"faafeagai", is that culture and religion are the very institutions that extol, celebrate and honor womanhood to begin with, but at the same time, they also, unfortunately, promote ways to denigrate and disparage womenfolk. In other words, culture and religion have become double-edged swords for women in Samoan society.
CULTURE
Within the Samoan culture, the course for a female from a single sister to a married woman can be quite dramatic. And though the
feagaiga concept is still honored to some extent after the sister is married, her overall status and role change substantially thereafter.
In one aspect, after marriage, the sister experiences a kind of a "fall from grace" within the
feagaiga context, including a suspension and/or termination of crucial privileges of a full fledged
feagaiga. She also experiences a kind of socio-political demotion. After marriage, the woman takes a back seat to her husband. And though this pattern is mostly universal in patriarchal societies, the subordination of a Samoan woman resulting from her marital status is amplified by the culture in a very unique way. Her traditional roles and responsibilities as a married woman are now defined, determined and dictated - almost exclusively - by her relationship to her husband.
Again, after marriage, the negation and abrogation of the
feagaiga protocols for the sister are indisputable - and inevitable. The designated names, labels or "titles" the wives acquire insinuate subordination, inferiority and servitude.
For example, if the sister/woman is married to a
taule'ale'a (non-titleholder), and lives with her husband's family (patrilocal/patrilocality), she is labeled a
[fafine]"nofotane" - a socially derogatory term and designation for being a "gentile woman". Connotatively
"nofotane" is a "slave" or hired hand, at least in the eyes of her husband's family, community and/or village. Samoan society, being a patriarchal one, "assigns" the majority of women to this
nofotane category. In essence, however, all women can be called
"nofotane" depending on time and place of residence. Moreover,
"nofotane" label is used as a standard epithet by the husband's family irregardless of the above qualifiers. (Note:
"nofotane's" counterpart
"faiāvā" (matrilocality) has a similar path and course, but with some significant differences. Another topic for another post.)
And if the sister is married to a
tulafale (orator/talking chief), she is called a
"tausi", literally a caretaker and attendant to the husband. Another title that entails and suggests subordination.
If she is married to an
āli'i (high chief), she takes on the title of a
"faletua" which literally means "house in the back". This is often a secondary house to the guest or chief's house. The guest house is where the chief greets and hosts guests and visitors or where important meetings are held. The "house in the back" is where all the food and other preparations are made and where the
"faletua" is assigned to make sure the chief (her husband) and others are properly served.
Faletua therefore is a title that suggests servitude.
Some may argue that
"tausi" and
"faletua" are considered titles of respect used in the place of the vernacular
"to'alua/āvā" (wife), but their etymologies, their cultural roles and functions as well as descriptors for their relationships to the husbands all suggest subordination and inferiority. It's also a manifestation of the overall second-class status of women in Samoan society.
In these marital/nuptial arrangements, the transition for the sister from being served by her brother/s in the
feagaiga, to that of being a servant or attendant to her husband - and others - in marriage is expected if not defined by the cultural norms. So, theoretically at least, marriage is a point of diversion and renouncement of the
feagaiga and it's when the husband starts imposing his authority and power - oftentimes in an abusive manner - on the wife. The abuse, as noted earlier, has become a social plight for women in Samoa for years and has gotten worse as of late. Again, although culture is seen as a catalyst for the
feagaiga, it is also the miscreant in marriage - or post-
feagaiga.
RELIGION
The role of religion, on the other hand, reflects a more serious and twisted
"fa'afeagai" especially considering that the Samoans are renown for their espousement of Christian beliefs and dogma.
Although the nature and origin of the
feagaiga concept is uniquely Samoan, its essence and character have become intertwined with its religion benefactor. The traditional
feagaiga is influenced especially by the Old Testament where covenants
(feagaiga) were made between God and Israel as well as certain patriarchs like Abraham.
Moreover, in biblical times, the sister in a family does not receive any inheritance - land or otherwise. Instead, the oldest brother gets a double portion which was intended and reserved for his sister's care. (Notice the similarity between this and the
feagaiga protocols.) The brother/s also was/were supposed to be protector/s of the/ir sister/s especially from any unwelcomed sexual advances and improprieties by a suitor or admirer.
For example, the incident in Genesis (Chapter 34) often referred to as the "Rape of Dinah", Jacob's only daughter, tells of how her brothers Levi and Simeon conspired and killed her assailant (Shechem) and some of his family in revenge of her defilement. Though this was somewhat an extreme case, the
feagaiga's protective and dauntless stipulation for the brother/s is/are neither dissimilar nor far-fetched.
Fast forward to the New Testament (Ephesians 5:22-33) and, conversely, we find references that have been used by a lot of "traditional" Samoan husbands as justification for their authoritative - and oftentimes abusive - control over their wives. The scriptural verses admonish the wives to "submit" themselves to their husbands who are the "heads"; as well as be subjected to them (husbands) "in every thing".
Let me clarify something though. Religion in and of itself is not the direct culprit, rather it's the people's (men's) flawed interpretation of the Bible that advances, justifies and rationalizes husband's abusive behavior towards their wives. Unfortunately, some ministers of religion advocate and sanction the same extreme misinterpretation, at least
the submission of wives in every thing, and therefore the husband's authority as being absolute and unfettered. This absolute rule of the husband is also justified by some using the Bible where God tells "the woman" that her "husband ...shall rule over [her]" (Genesis 3:16). Hence, religious zealotry and eisegesis (interpretation of text, esp. scripture, to suit one's own presuppositions and biases) among the Samoans have only exacerbated the problem.
Further irony that combines culture and religion in the husband-wife relationship, supporting the subordination status of the latter, is the fact that the title
"faletua" (as discussed above) is chiefly (no pun intended) and strictly used to address the wife of a minister or pastor. And so facetiously speaking, yes, even a "man of God" also has a
"faletua" a title that also implies inequality.
What has been lost to many, within the religious context of the
feagaiga, is that marriage between husband and wife can be writ large, as well as a reminder, for the marriage covenant between God and Israel (believers) where God is the husband/groom and Israel as the wife/bride. Within such a comparison, the husband should not necessarily "play God" but instead, continue to exercise and implement "godly" attributes and basic characteristics of the traditional
feagaiga such as love, honor, respect, etc., which, not surprisingly, are also the qualities required in the marriage
feagaiga (covenant).
Ironically, unlike culture, religious dogma, if/when interpreted correctly and practiced properly, can serve as an extension and perpetuation of the traditional
feagaiga in marriage, as well as the ultimate solution and antidote for the mistreatment and abuse of women and wives in Samoa, or elsewhere for that matter.
And finally, when marriage is viewed as an eternal and everlasting
feagaiga, and not only as a "‘til death do us part" union, it can certainly make a profound difference.
After all, marriage - at least in one particular religious context - is a
"feagaiga fou e fa'avavau" (new and everlasting covenant).
